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Chapter 2: Social Cooperation and the Three
M's of the Marketplace
We can never overcome scarcity. But
by understanding its implications—opportunity costs,
the inevitability of competition and the desirability of cooperation,
the need to ration and the importance of choosing at the margin—we
can better understand how market economies constantly push
back the limits of scarcity.
In a nutshell, market economies succeed
because they let us make the best use of the information necessary
for social cooperation. They do so by allowing that information
to be communicated from those who have it to those best able
to act on it, with the messages containing this information
motivating people to respond appropriately and providing
them with the means to do so. Any successful economy
has to be a system of messages, motivation and means. And
no economic system incorporates these three M's as effectively
as the market economy.
Messages
Only by directing scarce resources into
their highest-value uses can an economy prosper. But there
are countless uses for resources, differences of opinion about
their value in different uses, and shifting conditions that
constantly change a resource's relative scarcity and its value
in different uses.
Given the complexities, it would be
easy to dismiss the goal of making the most valuable use of
our resources as a utopian dream. Somehow, people from all
over the world would have to be in constant communication.
Consumers would have to constantly send messages, to each
other and to producers, on the value they place on the various
goods and services that can be produced. Producers would have
to send messages, to each other and to consumers, on how productively
they can use resources to turn out various goods and services.
Communications technology is improving dramatically, but surely
we'll never reach the point where everyone can be in constant
communication with everyone else.
Even if such an amazing communications
network were possible, it couldn't ensure that resources flowed
to their most valuable uses. People would not only have to
be able to communicate with others constantly, they would
also have to communicate accurately. If the messages contain
distortions on the value of resources and the goods they produce,
there is no possibility that the resources will be used to
produce the most value.
What hope is there that individuals
will resist the temptation to exaggerate the importance of
resources in the uses they favor? Improving communication
technology is difficult enough. Ensuring accurate communication
is even trickier. But as we will see, market prices do a remarkable
job of communicating information accurately.
Motivation
Ensuring that the economy makes the
best use of its resources requires more than accurate communication.
It also requires motivating those best able to respond to
that information to do so appropriately. For example, if others
inform you that they value a good more than you do, responding
appropriately means reducing your consumption so they can
increase theirs. Or if consumers inform a producer that the
resources he is using would be more valuable in another activity,
responding appropriately means using less of those resources
(perhaps by going out of business) so producers doing a better
job of satisfying consumers can use more.
It's unrealistic, of course, to expect
people to be as concerned for others as for themselves, their
family members and close friends. Concern for others hardly
seems strong, widespread and constant enough to get resources
directed into their most valuable uses. Yet in our market
economy, we come very close to realizing the type of social
cooperation needed to do just that. This cooperation is achieved
through market prices.
Means
When people want more of a good, they
communicate that through their willingness to pay a higher
price for it. The higher price does more than inform producers
that more of the good is wanted and motivate them to produce
more of it. The higher price results in more revenue, which
provides those producing the good with the means to produce
more of it.
How It Works
Consider
a trip to the grocery store. Everywhere you look are
products from around the world—even domestic products
require foreign inputs—that are consumed all over
the world. Each of them bears a price that communicates
information from everyone who contributed to supplying
the product and from everyone who consumes it. That
price is a message that tells you all you need to know
about all those people—almost none of whom you'll
ever encounter—to respond appropriately to their
various preferences and circumstances, and it motivates
you to do so.
For example, the price of bananas—which
we'll assume is 49 cents a pound—tells you how much
another pound of bananas is worth to other consumers.
If people valued another pound by more
than 49 cents, they would buy more, which would drive up the
price in the short run (the time over which it is impossible
to grow more bananas). If they valued another pound by less
than 49 cents, they would buy fewer bananas, which would lower
the price (again, in the short run).
Their decision on how many bananas to
buy is responsive to this price information and feeds back
into that information by affecting the price of bananas. It
pays consumers to evaluate the marginal value of bananas to
them and then buy bananas only to the point where an additional
pound is worth 49 cents.
Assume next that for some reason, people
in Asia decide they want to eat more bananas, which raises
the price to 68 cents a pound. People elsewhere in the world
will respond to this price increase by consuming fewer bananas.
How many fewer? Just enough fewer to make the additional bananas
Asians want to buy at the higher price available to them.
Few, if any, consumers will know why
the price went up. Nor will they know where the bananas they
would have consumed at the lower price go. But the higher
price tells them all they need to know to harmonize their
preferences with those of Asians.The consumers who reduce
their consumption cannot be expected to care as much about
Asian consumers as they do about themselves. But in response
to price communication, they are motivated to act as if
they do.
Two-Way Communication
When consumers want more bananas,
the resulting price increase communicates that fact to banana
producers. Given enough time, producers will respond by investing
more, working longer and outbidding competitors for the resources
needed to produce more bananas.
These responses all require sacrifice.
But as long as the value of the sacrifice necessary to get
another pound of bananas into stores (marginal cost) is less
than the price (marginal value), more bananas will be provided.
Producers are not as concerned for banana consumers around
the world as they are for themselves and their loved ones.
But in response to price communication, they will act as
if they are.
On the other hand, if consumers want
fewer bananas, they'll send this message with a drop in price.
This will encourage the purchase of bananas that are already
available. But because the lower price will not cover the
marginal cost of producing as many bananas as before, growers
will respond to consumers' message by reducing production,
with some of the less productive growers possibly going out
of business. Producers will act as if they are saying,
"Consumers are telling us they value other things that
could be produced with the resources we are using by more
than they value bananas. Because of this, we will release
some of those resources to those who will use them to provide
more benefit to consumers." Banana growers don't reduce
their production because they care as much about the interests
of consumers as they care about their own. But price signals
motivate them to act as if they do.
We not only want producers to consider
consumer interests when deciding how many bananas to make
available. When consumers decide how many to buy, we want
them to consider the sacrifices producers are making to grow
bananas and transport them to local stores. And because of
the two-way communication of market prices, they will. The
price of bananas allows producers to communicate to consumers
the cost (sacrifice) of making an additional (marginal) pound
available in a way that motivates appropriate responses.
Assume, for example, it is discovered
that working on banana plantations increases the chances of
developing an uncomfortable skin rash. Wages for workers growing
and harvesting bananas will rise to help compensate them for
this risk. Of course, this raises the marginal cost of banana
production, which will be communicated to consumers with a
higher price for bananas.
Although consumers may not know the
price increased because of the newly discovered risk to banana
workers, the higher price will tell them all they need to
know to respond as if they did and as if they were as concerned
about the well-being of the workers as they are about their
own. Consumers will reduce their consumption of bananas until
bananas' marginal value to them increases enough to equal
the higher marginal cost of producing them.
The Free Market Economy
The communication and cooperation that
take place through market prices are the secret to the superior
wealth creation of free market economies. Americans aren't
richer than people in other countries because they are smarter
or work harder. Our population is composed of people from
all over the world, so we certainly aren't smarter than people
from other countries. And though most of us work hard, we
don't work harder than people elsewhere. We are richer than
most people because our economy relies more on market prices
to harmonize our diverse talents and aspirations.
Nobody would claim that markets work
perfectly. But given the magnitude of the task involved, they
work amazingly well. Certainly, no other type of economic
system comes close.
Private Property
Promotes Cooperation
Market cooperation depends
on private property, since market prices emerge
only when exchange occurs, and most exchanges
involve private property. The importance of private
property to social cooperation is nicely illustrated
by the cooperation that existed for many years
between the Audubon Society and hot-rodders.
We all know the Audubon
Society wants to protect the environment and fragile
habitats for birds and other animals. Not surprisingly,
it opposes drilling for oil in environmentally
sensitive areas such as the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge (ANWR) in Alaska. But because of private
property, hot-rodders communicated their desire
for cheaper gas to the Audubon Society so effectively
that it accommodated them by exposing a fragile
environment to risk.
The Audubon Society owns
a wilderness area in Louisiana known as the Rainey
Preserve, an ideal habitat for birds and other
wildlife. It also contained commercial quantities
of petroleum and natural gas, which the society
allowed oil companies to drill for from the 1940s
until 1999.
Because the society owns
the preserve, the value others put on the oil
there presented an opportunity the society would
have sacrificed had it refused to allow drilling.
The society doesn't face this opportunity cost
in ANWR; because it doesn't own the property,
it has no motivation to consider the interest
others have in the oil it contains.
In allowing drilling in
the Rainey Preserve, the Audubon Society was responding
as most people do to the information and incentives
that emerge when private property makes exchange
possible. Private property not only motivated
the Audubon Society to cooperate with hot-rodders
(and gas consumers in general), it also motivated
hot-rodders to cooperate with the Audubon Society.
Their purchase of gas allowed the society to obtain
and protect wildlife habitats that it believed
at the time were more valuable than what was being
sacrificed in the Rainey Preserve.
Audubon Society members
and hot-rodders may not have a lot in common.
But they both considered the concerns of the other
and acted to promote the other's interest when
private property allowed them to harmonize their
interests through market prices.
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