Volume 6, Number 3, 2001
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
Schumpeter—In His Own
Words
 |
|
This article illustrates
the thought process and writing of the economist
who probably best understood capitalism and
its evolutionary development. Joseph Schumpeter
is remembered today for his concept of capitalism’s
tendency for "creative destruction." But as
Mike Cox demonstrates with this collection
of quotes, Schumpeter’s writings tackled a
number of complex topics, many of which remain
controversial.
Schumpeter was not an
idle theorist who wrote solely for his fellow
economists. Rather, he was one of the last
grandly knowledgeable—and profoundly insightful—social
theorists of the 20th century. And one certainly
can’t claim to understand capitalism without
having been introduced to Schumpeter’s keen
observations about the market process and ideas
about its probable future evolutionary path.
We hope this introduction to his work will
not only enlighten you but perhaps also inspire
you to seek out his many important contributions
to economics. It will be time well spent.
| — |
Bob McTeer
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas |
|
 |
|
Schumpeter— In His Own Words
Born in Czechoslovakia in 1883, economist
Joseph Schumpeter was far ahead of his time. More clearly
than any other economist
past or present, Schumpeter understood and articulated the
dynamics of the capitalist economic process. Although perhaps
best known for his theory of "creative destruction," Schumpeter
also offered many valuable insights into other areas of economics:
innovation, economic growth, business cycles, unemployment,
saving, income
distribution, monopoly, political economy
and more. Only in the past two decades or so, as economists
back away from the teachings of John Maynard Keynes and face
the failure of macroeconomic theory to adequately explain
economic growth, has Schumpeter’s genius received due recognition.
Schumpeter graduated from the
University of Vienna in 1904, began teaching in 1909 at
the University of Czernowitz and
then moved to the University of Graz in Austria. He first
visited the United States in 1924, returning to Europe in
1925 as a professor at the University of Bonn. With Hitler’s
rise in 1932, Schumpeter left Europe to take a position at
Harvard University, where he remained until his death in
1950. He was a founding member of the Econometric Society
in 1930 and later served as its president. He was also president
of the American Economic Association in 1948.
Schumpeter was prolific, with 21 books and pamphlets, 127
articles and numerous other works to his name. He is best
known for his book Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy,
published in 1942. All totaled, he penned more than 8,400
pages of insightful reading. No review short of a tome could
possibly give adequate credit to his life’s work. And thus
the following sampling of quotes should be viewed as merely
this author’s favorites, cut twice by half to fit the space
constraints of this publication.
Capitalism
Capitalism is an economic system based on private property rights, pursuit
of self-interest, freedom to choose and ability to borrow. It is a method
of economic change guided by individual needs and wants and financed
by credit (obtained through debt and equity). Far from the popular image
of a haven for "corporate fat cats," a capitalist economy crowns the consumer
as king, and the system provides for the well-being of the masses.
We have to define that word which
good economists always try to avoid: capitalism is that
form of private property economy in which innovations are
carried out by means of borrowed money. BC, 223.
We must always start from the satisfaction
of wants, since they are the end of all production. TED,
65.
Consumers’ satisfaction supplies
the social meaning for all [capitalist] economic activity. BC,
73.
The fundamental impulse that sets
and keeps the capitalist engine in motion comes from the
new consumers’ goods, the new methods of production or
transportation, the new markets, the new forms of industrial
organization that capitalist enterprise creates. CSD,
83.
These spontaneous and discontinuous
changes…appear in the sphere of industrial and commercial
life, not in the sphere of the wants of the consumers….Assume
tastes as "given." TED, 65.
The opening up of new markets, foreign
or domestic, and the organizational development from the
craft shop and factory to such concerns as U.S. Steel illustrate
the same process of industrial mutation—if I may use that
biological term—that incessantly revolutionizes the economic
structure from within, incessantly destroying
the old one, incessantly creating a new one. This process
of Creative Destruction is the essential fact about capitalism.
It is what capitalism consists in and what every capitalist
concern has got to live in [Schumpeter’s emphasis]. CSD,
83.
Capitalism…is by nature a form or
method of economic change and not only never is but never
can be stationary. CSD, 82.
[Capitalism is]…the perennial gale
of creative destruction. CSD, 84.
Economic Growth
Economies don’t grow, they evolve. The dictionary defines growth as an increase
in quantity or size. If an economy were to literally grow, it would have more
or bigger companies hiring more of the same kinds of workers and producing
more of the same goods and services. Evolution, in contrast, is a process of
continuous change, leading to a higher, more complex and better state. Capitalist
economies evolve, and their evolution is endogenous, arising spontaneously
from the ingredients of the capitalist economic system. The competition to
innovate (so as to gain market share or simply survive) pushes living standards
forever onward and upward like a perpetual-motion machine. Moreover, there
is no reason to believe that progress will slow over time; indeed, it may even
speed up as new technologies spill over into other areas, making whole new
industries possible or economically feasible. Technology spillovers—unintended
consequences—are the alchemy of the capitalist macroeconomic system. Doom-saying
in the capitalist economy is a losing proposition.
The essential point to grasp is that
in dealing with capitalism we are dealing with an evolutionary
process. CSD, 82.
The changes in the economic process
brought about by innovation, together with all their effects,
and the response to them by the economic system, we shall
designate by the term Economic Evolution. BC, 86.
Economists are at long last emerging
from the stage in which price competition was all they
saw.…In capitalist reality…it is not that kind of competition
which counts but the competition from the new commodity,
the new technology, the new source of supply, the new type
of organization…competition which…strikes…existing firms…at
their foundations and their very lives. This kind of competition
is…much more effective than the other…and [is]…the powerful
lever that in the long run expands output. CSD, 84–85.
Whenever…a given quantity of output
costs less to produce than…before, we may be sure, if prices
have not fallen, that there has been innovation somewhere.
It need not necessarily have occurred in the industry under
observation, which may only be applying, or benefitting
from, an innovation that has occurred in another. BC,
88–89, footnote 1.
We are just now in the downgrade
of a wave of enterprise that created the electrical power
plant, the electrical industry, the electrified farm and
home and the motorcar. We find all that very marvelous,
[yet]…we cannot for our lives see where opportunities of
comparable importance are to come from. As a matter of
fact, however,…the mere utilization of the achievement
of the age of electricity…would suffice to provide investment
opportunities for quite a time to come. CSD, 117–18.
Those writers [Thomas Malthus, James
Mill, David Ricardo] lived at the threshold of the most
spectacular economic developments ever witnessed. Vast
possibilities matured into realities under their very eyes.
Nevertheless, they saw nothing but cramped economies, struggling
with ever-decreasing success for their daily bread. They
were convinced that technological improvement…would…fail
to counteract the fateful law of decreasing returns…and
that a stationary state of the economic process was near
at hand. HEA, 571.
Most of us seem here to commit a
mistake in handling the concept of decreasing returns….It
applies to given production functions and generally stationary
conditions….[However, as] a law of decreasing returns from
successive innovations…the statement is entirely unwarranted….The
world of possible innovation cannot be mapped out. BC,
499–500.
Technological possibilities are an
uncharted sea. We may survey a geographical region and
appraise…that the best plots are first taken into cultivation,
after them the next best ones and so on. At any given time
during this process it is only relatively inferior plots
that remain to be exploited in the future. But we cannot
reason in this fashion about the future possibilities of
technological advance. From the fact that some of them
have been exploited before others, it cannot be inferred
that the former were more productive than the latter. And
those that are still in the lap of the gods may be more
or less productive than any that have thus far come within
our range of observation….There is no reason to expect
slackening of the rate of output through exhaustion of
technological possibilities. CSD, 118.
Innovation and the Business Cycle
Competition drives innovation,
and innovation drives progress, but not without a corresponding
economic churn—out with the old and in with the new. Schumpeter
certainly understood that progress, by nature, is unsettling, but he likely
would have laughed at the adage "I’m in favor of progress; it’s all the changes
I don’t like." He saw innovation as the root cause of most business cycles
yet not a cause for grieving—even during recession—since it is through economic
churn that the interests of the consumer are ultimately served. Technological
innovation sometimes causes a long wave of economic activity—a tsunami—during
which normal waves all but disappear.
Innovation is the outstanding fact
in the economic history of capitalist society or in what
is purely economic in that history, and also it is largely
responsible for most of what we would at first sight attribute
to other factors. BC, 86.
Surely, nothing can be more plain
or even more trite common sense than the proposition that
innovation…is at the center of practically all the phenomena,
difficulties, and problems of economic life in capitalist
society. BC, 87.
Individual innovations imply, by
virtue of their nature, a "big" step and a "big" change.
A railroad through new country, i.e., country not yet served
by railroads, as soon as it gets into working order upsets
all conditions of location, all cost calculations, all
production functions within its radius of influence; and
hardly any "ways of doing things" which have been optimal
before remain so afterward. BC, 101.
It is by no means farfetched or paradoxical
to say that "progress" unstabilizes the economic world,
or that it is by virtue of its mechanism a cyclical
process [Schumpeter’s emphasis]. BC, 138.
It is, after all, only common sense
to realize that, but for the fact that economic life is
in a process of incessant internal change, the business
cycle, as we know it, would not exist. BC, 138.
All we can thus far say about the
duration of the units of [the business cycle] and of each
of [its] two phases is that it will depend on the nature
of the particular innovations that carry a given
cycle [Emphasis added]. BC, 143.
These revolutions periodically reshape
the existing structure of industry by introducing new methods
of production—the mechanized factory, the electrified factory,
chemical synthesis and the like; new commodities, such
as railroad service, motorcars, electrical appliances;
new forms of organization. CSD, 68.
Those revolutions are not strictly
incessant; they occur in discrete rushes which are separated
from each other by spans of comparative quiet. The process
as a whole works incessantly however, in the sense that
there always is either revolution or absorption of the
results of revolution, both together forming what are known
as business cycles. CSD, 83, footnote 2.
Our model…does not give to prosperity
and recession…the welfare connotations which public opinion
[typically] attaches to them. Commonly, prosperity is associated
with social well-being, and recession with a falling standard
of life. In our picture they are not, and there is even
an implication to the contrary. BC, 142.
Times of innovation…are times of
effort and sacrifice, of work for the future, while the
harvest comes after.…The harvest is gathered under recessive
symptoms and with more anxiety than rejoicing.…[During]
recession…much dead wood disappears. BC, 143.
If we glance at those long waves
in economic activity, analysis…reveals the nature and mechanism
of the capitalist process better than any-thing else. Each
of them consists of an "industrial revolution" and the
absorption of its effects. CSD, 67.
The Firm, Innovation and Profit
Firms—particularly new ones—are the means by which innovation enters the economy.
Firms have a life cycle that begins with the introduction of a new, better
or cheaper product and ends likewise (with a competitor’s introduction elsewhere).
Firms tend to be the most profitable when young, before competitors have had
the time to enter the market with a cheaper, better alternative. Economic development
flows from innovation, and innovation requires anticipated profit, but profit
sows the seeds of its own demise by beckoning other suppliers (even outright
copiers). Patent laws, in this regard, can help to preserve profit and thus
stimulate innovation. But over the long term, the law of the corporate jungle
is clear: mutate or die.
Most new firms are founded with an
idea and for a definite purpose. The life goes out of them
when that idea or purpose has been fulfilled or has become
obsolete or even if, without having become obsolete, it
has ceased to be new. That is the fundamental reason why
firms do not exist forever. Many of them are, of course,
failures from the start. Like human beings, firms are constantly
being born that cannot live. Others may meet…death from
accident or illness. Still others die a "natural" death,
as men die of old age. And the "natural" cause, in the
case of firms, is precisely their inability to keep up
the pace in innovating which they themselves had been instrumental
in setting in the time of their vigor. BC, 94–95.
It is not the owner of stage-coaches
who builds railways. TED, 66.
Profit…is the premium put upon successful
innovation in capitalist society and is temporary by nature:
it will vanish in the subsequent process of competition
and adaptation. BC, 105.
That is why, as Adam Smith observed,
new industries are as a rule more profitable than old ones. BC,
95, footnote 2.
Practically every enterprise [is]
threatened and put on the defensive as soon as it comes
into existence. BC, 107.
For profits to emerge it is essential
that the "suicidal stimulus of profits" should not act
instantaneously. BC, 105.
Without development there is no profit,
without profit no development. TED, 154.
Patent legislation is one of the
few instances of legal recognition of the social functions
of profit in capitalist society. BC, 107, footnote
1.
Saving
You can’t save your way to wealth—either
personally or as a nation. True wealth accrues mainly through
innovation. Individual fortunes are built that way,
as is the commonwealth.
The classical writers…clearly perceived,
though they may have exaggerated, the role of saving and
accumulation [as]…they linked saving to the rate of "progress." CSD,
76.
Savings is obviously an important
factor in explaining the course of economic history through
the centuries, but it is completely overshadowed by the
fact that development consists primarily in employing existing
resources in a different way….Different methods of employment,
and not saving…have changed the face of the economic world
in the last fifty years. TED, 68.
The bulk of private fortunes is,
in capitalist society,…the result of the process of which
innovation is the "prime mover."…Saving, consistently carried
on through generations, could not have been nearly so successful
as it was if there had not been surpluses, due to innovation,
from which to save. BC, 106.
Monopoly
Firms bring new goods to market
precisely with the hope that they can attain some noncompetitive
advantage—say, a monopoly—and exploit what they create
for profit. Laws that seek to immediately destroy monopoly, therefore, will
slow progress. Private monopolies (though not public ones) tend to be short-lived
as the capitalist economy is constantly searching for better ways to satisfy
people’s wants and needs. The more oppressive the monopoly, the quicker it
summons its own death by inviting a new and better product.
Enterprise would in most cases be
impossible if it were not known from the outset that exceptionally
favorable situations are likely to arise which if exploited
by price, quality and quantity manipulation will produce
profits adequate to tide over exceptionally unfavorable
situations. CSD, 89–90.
[Large profits are] the baits that
lure capital on to untried trails. Their presence explains
in part how it is possible for so large a section of the
capitalist world to work for nothing: in the midst of the
prosperous twenties just about half of the business corporations
in the United States were run at a loss, at zero profits,
or at profits which, if they had been foreseen, would have
been inadequate to call forth the effort and expenditure
involved. CSD, 90.
There is no general case for indiscriminate "trust-busting" or
for the prosecution of everything that qualifies as a restraint
of trade. Rational as distinguished from vindictive regulation
by public authority turns out to be an extremely delicate
problem which not every government agency, particularly
when in full cry against big business, can be trusted to
solve. CSD, 91.
Pure cases of long-run monopoly must
be of the rarest occurrence [because]…the power to exploit
at pleasure a given pattern of demand…can under the conditions
of intact capitalism hardly persist for a period long enough
to matter. CSD, 99.
Why then all this talk about monopoly?…Economists,
government agents, journalists, and politicians in this
country obviously love the word because it…is sure to rouse
the public’s hostility. CSD, 99–100.
Credit and Capital
The capitalist engine runs on
credit. Every new venture requires funding—either
through borrowing (debt) or ownership (equity)—because the people with new
ideas (the innovators) and those best able to market them (the entrepreneurs)
aren’t generally those who are flush with cash (the capitalists). Without credit,
the economic system would yield as little fruit as were there no new ideas
or people to sell them. Strong new firms choke out old weak ones, in part,
by raising the cost of credit everywhere.
Capitalism is that form of private
property economy in which innovations are carried out by
means of borrowed money…[that is,] credit creation….Most
of the features…of capitalism would be absent from the
economic and…cultural process of a society without credit
creation….Therefore, we shall date capitalism as far back
as the element of credit creation. BC, 223–24.
Credit creation [is] the monetary
complement of innovation. This relation…is at the bottom
of all the problems of money and credit. BC, 111.
The carrying into effect of an innovation
involves, not primarily an increase in existing factors
of production, but the shifting of existing factors from
old to new uses….If innovation is financed by credit creation,
the shifting of the factors is effected not by the withdrawal
of funds—"canceling the old order"—from the old firms,
but by the reduction of the purchasing power of existing
funds which are left with the old firms while newly created
funds are put at the disposal of entrepreneurs: the new "order
to the factors" comes, as it were, on top of the old one,
which is not thereby canceled. BC, 111–12.
For actions which consist in carrying
out innovations we reserve the term Enterprise; the individuals
who carry them out we call Entrepreneurs. BC, 102.
The entrepreneur may, but need not,
be the "inventor" of the good or process he introduces.
Also, the entrepreneur may, but need not, be the person
who furnishes the capital. BC, 103.
Risk bearing is no part of the entrepreneurial
function. It is the capitalist who bears the risk. The
entrepreneur does so only to the extent…he loses other
people’s money. BC, 104.
The only realistic definition of
stockholders is that they are the creditors (capitalists)
who forego part of the legal protection usually extended
to creditors, in exchange for the right to participate
in profits. BC, 104.
Living Standards of the Masses and the Distribution of Income
Capitalism’s greatest accomplishment is that it progressively raises the living
standards of the masses. Nobody ever got rich selling just to the rich. To
prosper under capitalism, you must make your product affordable to the masses—get
rich raising the general welfare. The opportunity to prosper is itself open
to the general masses, making upward income mobility and a fluid income distribution
the norm of the capitalist system.
The capitalist process, not by coincidence
but by virtue of its mechanism, progressively raises the
standard of life of the masses. It does so through a sequence
of vicissitudes, the severity of which is proportional
to the speed of the advance. But it does so effectively.
One problem after another of the supply of commodities
to the masses has been successfully solved by being brought
within the reach of the methods of capitalist production. CSD,
68.
The capitalist engine is first and
last an engine of mass production which unavoidably means
also production for the masses. CSD, 67.
Electric lighting is no great boon
to anyone who has money enough to buy a sufficient number
of candles and to pay servants to attend them. It is the
cheap cloth, the cheap cotton and rayon fabric, boots,
motorcars and so on that are the typical achievements of
capitalist production, and not as a rule improve-ments
that would mean much to a rich man. Queen Elizabeth owned
silk stockings. The capitalist achievement does not typically
consist in providing more silk stockings for queens but
in bringing them within the reach of factory girls in return
for steadily decreasing amounts of effort. CSD, 67.
The water-tight division between
people who (together with their descendants) are supposed
to be capitalists once for all and others who…are supposed
to be proletarians once for all is not only…utterly unrealistic
but it misses the salient point about social classes—the
incessant rise and fall of individual families into and
out of the upper strata. CSD, 18.
Employment, Unemployment, Jobs and Labor
Most layoffs stem not from the
failure of the worker or the firm or the capitalist economic
system, but—to the contrary—owe to the success of someone somewhere
else who has invented a new, better or cheaper product and, in doing so,
lessened the demand for existing ones. Still, labor will never see it that
way and will seek laws designed to protect existing jobs or provide for unemployment.
Only through allowing capitalism’s creative destruction to work unfettered
can society fully enjoy the higher levels of consumption, shorter work week
and better working conditions that the mechanism brings.
It is obvious…that in the case of
replacement of a carriage by motorcar, the coachman will
be technologically unemployed…in the narrow sense, although
no machine drives his horses henceforth, or that it does
not make any difference whether a bookkeeping clerk becomes
unemployed because of the introduction of a calculating
machine or another rationalizing device, or whether a cotton
picker becomes unemployed because of the introduction of
a cotton-picking machine or because cotton is being eliminated
by the competition of the standard fiber. BC, 514–15.
Technological Unemployment. This
term…cover[s]…displacement of workmen by machinery…[and
by] industries that introduce new production functions.
Questionnaires devised to find out from workmen reasons
for their dismissal can, therefore, never bring out the
phenomenon we mean and will always yield results that understate
it. BC, 514.
Only in a minority of cases will
workmen be able to recognize the technological change responsible
for their dismissal. For this it would be necessary that
machines be introduced in an existent plant under the eyes
of the workmen and that dismissal be effected immediately
after. BC, 514, footnote 1.
I do not think that unemployment
is among those evils which, like poverty, capitalist evolution
could ever eliminate of itself. I also do not think that
there is any tendency for the unemployment percentage to
increase in the long run. CSD, 69.
But whether lasting or temporary,
getting worse or not, unemployment undoubtedly is and always
has been a scourge….The real tragedy is not unemployment per
se, but unemployment plus the impossibility of providing
adequately for the unemployed without impairing the
conditions of further economic development [Schumpeter’s
emphasis]. CSD, 70.
Finally, we should take account of
variations in the amount of voluntary leisure, which…undoubtedly
often is one form of taking increased real income….In this
sense the reduction of working hours is one of the most
significant "products" of economic evolution. BC, 497–98.
Capitalism’s Greatest Enemy: The
Intellectual
The proper role of a healthily
functioning economy is to destroy jobs and put labor to better
use elsewhere. Despite this simple truth, layoffs and firings
will still always sting, as if the invisible hand of free enterprise has
slapped workers in the face. Unsettling by nature, capitalism’s churn gives
rise to a labor movement designed to protect workers from job loss. That
movement is fed emotionally by displaced workers and others who blame the
capitalist system for their troubles, but it is led psychologically by a
whole other type of person—the intellectual. Intellectuals—with little to
do owing to the success of the capitalist economic system but with an intense
desire to be seen as caretakers of society’s general well-being—anoint themselves
as leaders of the labor movement. They object to capitalism on moralistic
grounds and seek its destruction and replacement by another system—socialism—which
places them center stage.
I felt it my duty…to inflict upon
the reader…my paradoxical conclusion: capitalism is being
killed by its achievements. CSD, xiv.
Capitalism inevitably…educates and
subsidizes a vested interest in social unrest. CSD,
146.
One of the most important features
of the later stages of capitalist civilization is the vigorous
expansion of the educational apparatus and particularly
of the facilities for higher education. CSD, 152.
The man who has gone through a college
or university easily becomes psychically unemployable in
manual occupations without necessarily acquiring employability
in, say, professional work. CSD, 152.
All those who are unemployed or unsatisfactorily
employed or unemployable drift into the vocations in which
standards are least definite.…They swell the host of intellectuals…whose
numbers hence increase disproportionately. They enter it
in a thoroughly discontented frame of mind. Discontent
breeds resentment….righteous indignation about the wrongs
of capitalism. CSD, 153.
The hostility of the intellectual
group—amounting to moral disapproval of the capitalist
order—is one thing, and the general hostile atmosphere
which surrounds the capitalist engine is another thing. CSD,
153.
Capitalist evolution produces a labor
movement which obviously is not the creation of the intellectual
group. But it is not surprising that such an opportunity
and the intellectual demiurge should find each other. Labor
never craved intellectual leadership but intellectuals
invaded labor politics. They had an important contribution
to make: they verbalized the movement, supplied theories
and slogans for it—class war is an excellent example—made
it conscious of itself….They naturally radicalized it,
eventually imparting a revolutionary bias to the most bourgeois
trade-union practices….Having no genuine authority and
feeling always in danger of being unceremoniously told
to mind his own business,…[the intellectual] must flatter,
promise and incite, nurse left wings…appeal to fringe ends.…Thus,
though intellectuals have not created the labor movement,
they have yet worked it up into something that differs
substantially from what it would be without them….[This]…explains
why public policy grows more and more hostile to capitalist
interests. Intellectuals rarely enter professional politics
and still more rarely conquer responsible office. But they
staff political bureaus, write party pamphlets and speeches,
act as secretaries and advisers, make the…politician’s…reputation….In
doing these things they…impress their mentality on almost
everything that is being done. CSD, 153–54.
Capitalism stands its trial before
judges who have the sentence of death in their pockets….The
only success victorious defense can possibly produce is
a change in the indictment. CSD, 144.
Schumpeter’s prognosis of the death of capitalism has not
been borne out, perhaps in part because of his brilliant
exposure of capitalism’s enemies and the treachery they plot.
Herein lie both the paradox and the promise. We must remember
that Schumpeter was him-self an intellectual, who surely
enjoyed winning intellectual battles. No doubt he sought
to defeat socialism’s most formidable intellectual, Karl
Marx. But having fled Europe in 1932 upon the rise of Hitler’s
totalitarian state, Schumpeter took up berth in Harvard’s
department of economics and once again, paradoxically, found
himself immersed in a sea of anticapitalists: university
professors.
The chronology of Schumpeter’s writing as it intertwines
with his life experience says much. We must not ignore the
fact that it was in 1942—following a decade at Harvard—that
Schumpeter proffered (in Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy)
his trenchant indictment of the intellectual establishment
whose swell he saw as the greatest threat to capitalism’s
future. Like a prophet who alters the course of history by
revealing its possible future path, Schumpeter perhaps even
sought to fight and win the intellectual battle with capitalism’s
enemies yet unborn.
| — |
W. Michael Cox
Senior Vice President and Chief Economist |
| References
BC: Schumpeter, Joseph A. (1939), Business
Cycles: A Theoretical, Historical, and Statistical
Analysis of the Capitalist Process (New
York: McGraw-Hill).
CSD: ——— (1950), Capitalism, Socialism,
and Democracy, 3rd ed. (New York: Harper
and Brothers), orig. pub. 1942.
HEA: ——— (1954), The History of Economic
Analysis (New York: Oxford University
Press).
TED: ——— (1936), The Theory of Economic
Development: An Inquiry into Profits, Capital,
Credit, Interest, and the Business Cycle (Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press). |
|
| About Economic
Insights
Economic Insights
is a publication of the Federal Reserve Bank of
Dallas. The views expressed are those of the authors
and should not be attributed to the Federal Reserve
System.
Please address all correspondence
to
Economic Insights
Public Affairs Department
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
P.O. Box 655906
Dallas, TX 75265-5906 |
|
|